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His point could not have been more politically explicit.

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No French writer, even in the nineteenth century, would ever underrate or attempt to neutralize by denying the power of female sexuality and seductiveness in the way that Dr. William Acton and others effectively did in the English context. When beauty was coupled with a self-consciousness of the positive work beauty and fashion could do by influencing men to behave in high-minded and generous ways, it could and seemingly did sometimes work miracles. In his book, La Femme , Michelet would offer counsel to young men concerning the choice of wives.

His advice is revealing.

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Significantly, he urged them to choose much younger women with no families of their own. Only thus could a woman be molded by her husband to suit his express wishes. Michelet was as suspicious of women who had been trained by other women as of those who were under the influence of priests. The Goncourt brothers also offered a third explanation. The Frenchman is devoted to the cult of Woman. He adores la femme , and he is more than nine-tenths convinced that she is the better half of humanity.

Yes, let us be young in Europe as long as we can, but go to spend our old age in the Orient, the country of men worthy of the name, the land of the patriarchs. In Europe, where our institutions have suppressed physical strength, woman has become too powerful.

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With all that power of seduction, of ruse, of perseverance and persuasion with which heaven has endowed her, the woman of our own countries has become socially the equal of man, and this was more than was necessary to ensure that he should inevitably and eternally become her victim. Taken together, these insights, particularly those of the male writers, provide us with a searing portrait of masculine psychological insecurity in face of the fearsome specter of unbridled female power.

With the combined forces of law, prescription, and custom — and physical strength — behind them, it is highly illuminating to recognize that such men remained insecure, still obsessively worried about controlling women.

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  • Mongellaz was by no means the only one to develop this theme. The heart of the matter is to know whether this influence should be instinctive or cultivated, … whether it should be exercised in broad daylight or in the shadows. One recurrent refrain in the commentaries of contemporary British and American writers on the woman question during the Third Republic is that the actual position of married women in French society was dramatically better than that of their Anglo-American counterparts, despite their clearly subordinate status in French civil and political law.

    There are unwritten laws in their favor. What requires historical explanation, then, is the seemingly yawning chasm that existed in France between prescriptions for controlling women, whether in law or moral stricture, and the imputed power and influence women continued to enjoy in nineteenth-century French society despite their undisputed formal subordination in marriage.

    Reiter also points out that however powerful a woman perceived herself to be in the village setting, once she left it and encountered the strictures of formal, male-centered political and economic institutions, she would discover quickly how circumscribed her power actually was. The research of another American ethnologist, Susan Carol Rogers, has also addressed the relationship between formalized male forms of power and the more diffuse female power, focusing on one village in Lorraine.

    Conversely, a group of women historians in France has criticized certain aspects of this ethnologically centered scholarship, charging that its authors sidestep or obscure issues of sexual politics — the power relations and hierarchies of values. Yet it should not excuse historians from examining more easily accessible printed sources that lie, neglected, in the public record. What we are all talking about, in fact, in diverse vocabularies and from diverse disciplinary perspectives, is the politics of gender in France. And this politics of gender has a long though diversely documented past.

    As I have suggested in the General Introduction to this book among other publications , for centuries the French themselves have understood gender as being socially constructed; this insight is by no means exclusive to late twentieth-century feminist scholars. Who is preventing the mothers from raising them as they please?


    She was also, in effect, an art form, a luxury product made for men. The model seems to have been devised specifically to thwart, or at least to delay, the blossoming of womanly power and influence, and concomitantly awareness of the potency of female sexuality — at least until the rude awakening of marriage and copulation. That is what men want. It is precisely as if someone threw you into the water after having forbidden you to learn to swim or even after having tied your arms and legs.

    Their excellent education had made them up just as cosmetics make up a face. A small number of such women became leading writers, such as George Sand, who perhaps because her antecedents were not middle class was allowed to run free as a girl. From the seventeenth century on, a second and competing approach to the shaping of gender roles emerged, a role that went hand-in-glove with the critique of court society and aristocratic decadence, and also fostered civic involvement.

    Its retrospective importance lies in its strategic insistence on the positive life-giving, nurturing qualities of motherhood, and on their sociopolitical significance; it was, in fact, a supreme reply to the misogynistic literature of early modern France, in which as Arlette Farge has pointed out women were constantly associated by male writers with death and motherhood was never mentioned.

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    In the post-revolutionary early nineteenth century the model was widely touted by writers of both sexes, including Catholic monarchists, Protestants, and secular republicans. Partisans of the mother-educator model exhorted women to exert their power and influence over every member of the next generation. Moreover, in the revolutionary context, it promised women a quasi-public role, as long as her power and influence was contained within the immediate family.

    In , the redoubtable Jenny P. English transl. Paris : Durand Neveu , Thomas in France. Paris : Chez L. Michaud et chez Delaunay , ; 2nd ed. New York : G. Kavanagh insists vol. Arago , 12 vols. Paris : Firmin-Didot , — , vol.

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    From vol. Thomas Jefferson Randolph , vol. The Morris diaries, at the Library of Congress, have never been published. I return to this issue in Chapter 3. Christopher E. Beaufils , , pp. Carl Conrad Eckhardt 2nd German edn. Colin , , p. Rayna R. See also Segalen, Mari et femme see n.

    Paris : H. Having heard of a lost self-portrait by Giorgione, Canova decided to recreate the work. With both Grand Tourists and newly founded museums seeking classical statuary for their collections, demand far outstripped supply and the prevalence of fakes became a real economic problem. Although it is true that in the eighteenth century it was only restored and completed objects that were considered for purchase for the museums, it is equally true that restorers and dealers misrepresented the ancient status of certain sculptures in order to make the sale.

    Recently Giandomenico Spinola has pointed out several modern works that were knowingly sold to the Vatican as antiquities, including a bust of Sabina, and Herakles Bibax , purchased in ca. Two examples here suffice. The skin of both was, as I have already mentioned, tinted yellow and both also had red lips and cheeks. Moreover, both also had bronze accessories: Hebe , for instance, wore a gilded headband and held a golden cup and vase in her hands, while Penitent Magdalene ruminated over a bronze cross. Both roused ire in critics.

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    By the early nineteenth century, as the streets of European cities were overrun with spectacles and new forms of popular amusements, there was real danger that sculpture itself might become just one more entertainment among many; the distance between the Salon and the wax museum was perilously small. Even writers who were not art critics, such as Charlotte Eaton, who traveled through Europe in , understood the implications.

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    Most certainly they do not consist in the close imitation of life; for, in that case, a common raree-show of wax-work would exceed the finest sculpture of Phidias.